HR Legal Practitioner/Senior Criminal Investigator/Skills Development Facilitator/Master of Human Capital Analysis/Business Restructuring Coach
Memberships/Professional Bodies: The Association of ODETD Practitioners (Occupationally Directed Education Training & Development); SABPP (South African Board for People Practices); ReciproCoach (Reciprocal Peer Coaching, Mentoring and Supervision), Institute for Social & Emotional Intelligence
Accreditation: International Coaching Federation
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This is why the pass rate went up. The Education Department reduced those allowed to write by nearly 50%. The figures show the entries into Grade 10 that should have finished Matric in 2013. You will see by the figures that just above 50% wrote their Matric Final Examinations.
Can the recipients of this email please explain the missing 48% of learners, who started Grade 10 in 2011, were when the Final Matric Examinations started in 2013?
HR Legal Practitioner/Senior Criminal Investigator/Skills Development Facilitator/Master of Human Capital Analysis/Business Restructuring Coach
Memberships/Professional Bodies: The Association of ODETD Practitioners (Occupationally Directed Education Training & Development); SABPP (South African Board for People Practices); ReciproCoach (Reciprocal Peer Coaching, Mentoring and Supervision), Institute for Social & Emotional Intelligence
Accreditation: International Coaching Federation
Transform Your Destiny with our amazing trainings and seminars! Learn how to hypnotize people, influence people, and help people. Learn how to eliminate negative emotions and achieve your dreams! Click here now! http://www.transformdestiny.com/?a=442
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The information contained in this email is confidential and may contain proprietary information. It is meant solely for the intended recipient. Access to this email by anyone else is unauthorized. If you are not the intended recipient, any disclosure, copying, distribution or any action taken or omitted in reliance on this, is prohibited and may be unlawful. No liability or responsibility is accepted if information or data is, for whatever reason corrupted or does not reach its intended recipient. The views expressed in this email are, unless otherwise stated, those of the author and not those of Ecole South Africa. Ecole South Africa reserves the right to monitor, intercept and block emails addressed to its users or take any other action in accordance with its email use policy.
This email was sent to: Job Creation Trust, The DA, News24, SABC, directly. Let's see how long it takes all the recipients to respond.
In a remarkable letter from one of the stalwarts of the anti-apartheid struggle SA president Jacob Zuma has been asked to resign. The letter by Revd Canon Barney Pityana says SA is “in shambles, and the quality of life of millions of ordinary South Africans is deteriorating”.
Dear Mr Zuma
AN OPEN LETTER ON THE STATE OF THE NATION ANC
I write this letter with a simple request: that you resign from all public office, especially that of President and Head of State of the Republic of South Africa.
I am, of course, aware that you have been re-elected President of the African National Congress, the majority party in our National Assembly. I am also aware that, in terms of our electoral system, that allows the ANC to present you as a candidate to the National Assembly and use their majority therein to put you in office, without much ado. It would also appear that by its recent vote the African National Congress has expressed confidence in your leadership. You can then understand that I am taking an extraordinary step, and I can assure you one that has been carefully considered, in asking for your resignation.
Our country is in shambles, and the quality of life of millions of ordinary South Africans is deteriorating. Confidence in our country, and its economic and political system, is at an all-time low. There is reason to believe that ordinary South Africans have no trust in your integrity as a leader, or in your ability to lead and guide a modern constitutional democracy that we aspire to become. That, notwithstanding the fact that our Constitution puts very minimal requirements for qualification as a public representative including the highly esteemed office of President and Head of State, and Head of the Executive. What is clear, at the very least, is that the President must have the means and the inclination to promote and defend the Constitution, and uphold the well being of all South Africans. I have reason to believe that, notwithstanding the confidence that your party has placed on you, you have demonstrated that you no longer qualify for this high office on any of the counts stated above.
As President and Head of State you should take responsibility for the lamentable state in which our society finds itself. This prevailing toxic and amoral environment must surely have something to do with the manner in which you assumed office, by trampling down on all semblance of the rule of law, and corrupting agencies of state. We are constantly reminded of the truth of Shakespeare’s words: “Some rise by sin, and some by virtue fall” (Measure for Measure II.2) The result is that we are in a Macbethian world where there is absence from the moral landscape of this dear land of ours any sense of positive good, any sense of personal involvement in virtue, loyalty, restraint. As a result we are in the morass of paralysis of moral power as a society. I believe that we are justified in exclaiming with Marcellus in Hamlet 1.iv “something is rotten in the state of Denmark.” And so we say “All is not well.”
As citizens we need not ask of our President and Head of State any more than the practice of virtue. To live a virtuous life is to express the goodness of and the possibilities for good in human living. These have at times been expressed as the cardinal virtues: temperance, courage, prudence and justice. For that the leader must lead by example, be a person of common wisdom, and understand the environment of her/his operations enough to serve the people and be driven by a desire to govern well.
There is no place in this for exploiting the high office for personal gain or benefit, or using state resources to buy loyalty, or to elevate party or family above the public good. Without this radical prescription of service our democracy is hollow, becomes a dictatorship of the Party, until the next elections when the voters once again get coaxed to vote for The Party! The personal attributes of a leader are an important assurance that our democracy is in good hands: excellence in virtue, truth, trust, wisdom, insight, discernment, and sound judgment.
That cesspit of a-morality is to be found in the prevalence of rape in all its brutal forms, in the disregard for loyalty – how does one explain that a close friend of Anene Booysen ‘s brother in Bredasdorp is one of the suspects of her murder. You yourself know only too well that a daughter of a close friend and comrade of yours accused you of rape! Though, happily, you were acquitted of the charge, the stench of disloyalty and taking advantage of unequal relations remains. South Africans live in fear, they are angry; they are poor (and getting poorer) and burdened by debt. What could be alleviating poverty, like social grants and social housing, is failing in practice because the poor have what is due to them pocketed by corrupt officials, and instead suffer the indignity of living life as beggars in their own land. Whether it be from marauding criminal gangs, or crime syndicates that appear to operate with some impunity, or the elderly terrified of their own grandchildren, or neighbours who cannot be trusted, or girl schoolchildren who are at the mercy of their teachers who may rape or abuse them, or corruption and theft from public resources by government ministers and public servants, or failure to meet the basic requirements of schooling most notably school textbooks not being delivered on time, or citizens who die in our hospitals because there are no doctors , or no medicines, or the thousands who dies on our roads, or protesters like Andries Tatane in Ficksburg, or the Marikana 46, or those murdered by the Cato Manor police death squad in extra-judicial murder, South Africans live in fear. Are we effectively in a police state? This situation is the direct result of the failure of public policy.
Besides the social and moral breakdown that engulfs our society, the economic woes for ordinary South Africans are not abating. Social inequality has widened since the end of apartheid – and that is something to be ashamed of. The extent of escalating unemployment in our country is surely nothing to be proud of, and poverty that has become endemic, almost irreversible, that haunts our every being cannot be gainsaid. The gaping disparities between rich and poor is a sad indictment on a party that has been in government since the onset of our constitutional democracy. The inadequacy of policy is attested to by the succession of downgrades by rating agencies, and the despair of the poor expresses itself in incessant demonstrations throughout the length and breadth of our country.
South Africans are angry, and they have every reason to be so. There is evidence that your party and government no longer have the intelligence, ideas or initiative to take bold, radical and necessary steps to arrest this slide into oblivion. Besides just being without the intelligence to change the course of history, evidently your Party and government do not even have the inclination preoccupied as it is by a relentless programme of self-enrichment. Not even the otherwise promising National Planning Commission Report will solve the challenges we face because it is too little too late, lacks specificity and is without urgency or determination. Yes, we also have the promise of a multi-billion rand infrastructure development spend that is bound to end up in failure no less than the ignoble defence procurement debacle, based on the prevailing rector of corruption in government. Why, because there are already signs that this initiative has become the target of looters and thieves, many of whom with the full knowledge of the political elite in your party and government. This failure of government is also to be seen in the lamentable e.toll saga, in the handling of the farmworkers demands and essential decision-making in the highest office in the land: the appointments of the Chief Justice, of the Head of the NPA, in government by demands rather than by policy and principle, The picture that emerges is one of lack of leadership that is courageous about things that matter. Yes, we see it in the majority of appointments you make that, with notable exceptions, are lackluster and mediocre. These include appointments to cabinet, Provincial Premiers, and even political appointments to diplomatic service, and a gradual erosion of the independence of significant institutions like the judiciary by blatant political interference. These are nothing but an insult to the intelligence of South Africans.
Notwithstanding all this, there is a sense that this country is without an imaginative, transformative chief executive. Instead, where serious matters, as in the outrageous use of state resources to build extensions to your private home amounting to some R206m (if we accept Minister Thiulas Nxesi’s assurances, which no reasonable South African should!), you indulge us in the art of equivocation. Is it true that every room in the Nkandla Zuma Estate has been paid for by the Zuma family? Or is it that every room now occupied by the member of your family has been so paid for? You and your ministers so often address us with this double sense of the absurd, and obscured meaning to cover the truth. There is widespread use of state resources as a piggy-bank to meet the demands of your office or for electioneering or other forms of state patronage. Ministers like Tina Joemat-Peterson seem to labour under the belief that it is the responsibility of their office to make the resources of their offices to be available to the President at his beck and call. What about the Guptas, citizens of India who have managed to ingratiate themselves and wormed themselves into the very heart of this nation. The benefits are obvious: they get to summon ministers to their compound and issue instructions; they manipulate the cricket governing council with disastrous results; and the paper they publish has access to large resources from state agencies for which no other newspaper was ever invited to tender. Yes, we are in the midst of a new Infogate Scandal! It can only be in a ‘banana republic’ where foreign elements can succeed so easily. I wonder where else is that happening, and what about the security of the state? That would definitely never happen in India.
At the centre of this is a President who lacks the basic intelligence (I do not mean school knowledge or certificates), who is without the means to inspire South Africans to feats of passion for their country and to appeal to their best humanity. I mean being smart and imaginative, and being endowed with ideas and principles on which quality leadership is based. Our problem as a country begins by our having as head of state someone devoid of “the king-becoming graces’ to establish “virtuous rule”. It therefore sounds very hollow when you protest that as President you deserve respect. I wholeheartedly agree that the office of Head of State must be held with respect. But I submit that you are the author of your own misfortune. There is hardly any evidence that you are treating your high office with the due respect you expect of others; to bestow on the highest office in the land dignitas and gravitas is your duty. No wonder that there was a time that international observers were overly concerned about the unfinished business of criminal investigations against you, and of course, that little matter you are so proud of, your many wives and innumerable progeny – as one with potency to sow his wild oats with gay abandon. In your language this is about your culture. Besides there are far too many occasions of gratuitous disregard for the law and the constitution, and unflattering mention in cartoon media, and often your name features in associations with activities that suggest corruption. South Africans have very little reason to hold their President in awe or respect. On top of that the President makes promises he never keeps, and does not even think he owes anybody an explanation. What happened to the gentleman’s ethic, “my word is my bond”! Truth, while never absolute, must be the badge of good leadership.
My counsel to your friends and comrades who seek to protect your reputation by marching onto the Gallery and intimidate the owner of the gallery and the artist of The Spear, or those who are offended on your behalf by the Lady justice cartoon by Zapiro, or the Secretary General of the ANC who summons the Chairman of Nedbank, or the Chief Executive of First Rand for a telling off about the re-branding campaign of the FNB; or the offence caused to some by the decision by AmPlats to restructure its business operations and the threats it was subjected to; or the threats by the General Secretary of the Communist Party and his Stalinist Taliban to legislate respect for the President – none of that would be necessary if you yourself held your high office with a modicum of respect.
Besides these social ills we remain a divided society. We are not just divided by class and wealth (although that is true), or by race, or by gender as the pandemic of violence and brutality against women is the signature tune of our country to our shame; but most alarmingly, the ugly spectre of ethnicity and tribalism that has been accentuated during your Presidency needs to be nipped in the bud. Clearly, you are not the President to campaign against this malady, nor are you interested in operating above the tribal fray as other Presidents have done. Social cohesion clearly is not on your agenda. I do not mean just occasionally dressing down some opposition politician, or pointing fingers at “clever blacks”, or outrage at some indecent racist incidents. I do not even mean a badly organized Social Cohesion Conference or the discredited Moral Regeneration Movement. I mean a coordinated programme of government utilizing the instruments of state and institutions supporting democracy, like the Human Rights Commission, to drive a national strategy of social cohesion. Even universities, once the bastions of civilized life as WEB du Bois puts it, producing an intellectual corps for society that is critical, and independent, are now fast becoming reduced to apologists of failed government policies.
As a critical observer of government and the African National Congress under your leadership, I note that the tenor of government and party is fast drifting towards the conservative, authoritarian, reactionary organization, presiding over a kleptocratic state; and that is intolerant of South Africans expressing themselves. When leaders and governments know that they no longer rule with the consent of the ruled, and without their participation in their democracy they get to be afraid of even their shadows. It often takes on the persona of a playground bullyboy whenever it is unable to answer some pretty sharp critical questions about the conduct of government, and about the prevalence of crime and corruption in South Africa, or about false promises. The ANC is getting to take on a semblance of a mafia organization, a Big Brother that syndicates hard dealings against others, isolates and silences critical voices, and uses state patronage to neutralize and marginalize others. One can observe the makings of a totalitarian, fascist regime.
I am reminded proudly that it was not always like that. There has been much over time that South Africans can be very proud of. I can think of Josiah Gumede challenging John Dube for the leadership of the NNC in the 1920s where, as Peter Limb puts it in his magisterial study of THE ANC’S EARLY YEARS, the ANC had become miserable and “getting lost in mist and sea of selfishness” (does that not sound familiar?). Dube, it was judged, had become conservative, and associated with ethnic nationalism. What we miss today is that radical urgency that Josiah Gumede introduced into NNC politics, that uncompromising commitment to shape the destiny of the oppressed. Instead we get a party and President preoccupied with ethnic culturalism, and that has no idea about turning the tide of the economic life of the people of this country. There have been other examples as well which led to the ascendancy of Chief Albert Luthuli, and the removal of the likes of AB Xuma and James Moroka. Nowadays a conservative, reactionary tribal leadership is celebrated and lionised but never censured as it continues to keep a Machiavellian stranglehold and power over the organisation. The ANC is being held captive by reactionary, corrupt forces. The ANC is in danger of being reduced to a tribal club with hangers-on who seek patronage and a hand in the politics of theft. It is exactly such a tribalist sentiment that has caused the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to drive relentlessly a piece of legislation like the Traditional Courts Bill whose constitutionality is suspect, but which more importantly, clearly undermines the advances this nation has made with regard to the rights of women, and it threatens to introduce a layer of criminal justice that parallels that established by the law of the land. In a land where some 50% of the population is made up of young people and women a leadership is required that trusts the instincts of young people and that radically eschews all forms of sexism and disregard for women. A not dissimilar sentiment especially in the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development must explain the abortive Secrecy Bill, and the secret revival of the National Keypoints Act is surely part of this culture of secrecy.
Besides, our country needs a President who understands democracy, especially that a constitutional democracy functions with checks and balances; that power is always exercised under check, and never in an arbitrary manner. The Head of State must be comfortable with the powers of the Constitutional Court and never to threaten at every turn to subject them to review, and to know that good governance flourishes with the oversight of parliament, and of independent organs of state, and that opposition parties are loyal opposition and patriotic and mandated by voters to champion particular positions in the public sphere. Opposition is of no mere nuisance value. It is the lifeblood of democracy. Some of your utterances suggest that you just do not get it.
I am raising my voice comprehensively now after having promised in 2009 that I shall hold my peace, and give your government a fair chance to perform. I had warned that much of your “victories” in the run-up to Polokwane and thereafter were merely pyrrhic victories. They would yet come to haunt you, I reasoned. Indeed, they have. But now any political analyst will warn that we are on a drift to a totalitarian state, twisted by a security machinery into silence and worse. Those of us who still have voice are obliged to warn against the prevailing trend. One way of addressing this confidence deficit would be for the President and all public representatives to be subjected to a probity test, to declare for public scrutiny their tax affairs, and all matters of conflict of interest. It is also not asking too much to expect that all public officers, including civil servants must express confidence in the system they preside over by sending their children to state schools, and to utilize public health facilities. This must surely include all public sector unions like NEHAWU and SADTU. Leadership matters. Leadership must be accountable and must be exemplary, and must be inspirational. That is where you fail.
Please spare us another five years under your leadership. Spare yourself any further embarrassment of ineffectual leadership. You will be judged harshly by future generations. I ask you solemnly, resign.
Yours sincerely
BP
PS: From the Founder of this Blog. I agree whole heartedly with the contents of this letter. However, I am a little skeptical as to the writer. I believe we were all given names and surnames at birth. We should be proud to be called South Africans. We should be even more proud of our family names. A person who signs off a letter with the initials or uses a pseudonym is neither proud of being South African or even having a name at all. Do not hide behind these initials as it is construed as you being a coward. Have your say, by all means, but do it transparently.
The Registrant is filing this annual report on a voluntary basis.
(1)
In respect of each issue of securities of the registrant, a brief statement as to:
(a) The general effect of any material modifications, not previously reported, of the rights of the holders of such securities.
There have been no such modifications.
(b) The title and the material provisions of any law, decree or administrative action, not previously reported, by reason of which the security is not being serviced in accordance with the terms thereof.
There has been no such law, decree or administrative action.
(c) The circumstances of any other failure, not previously reported, to pay principal, interest or any sinking fund or amortization installment.
There has been no such failure.
(2) A statement as of the close of the last fiscal year, giving the total outstanding of:
(a) Internal funded debt of the registrant. (Total to be stated in the currency of the registrant. If any internal funded debt is payable in a foreign currency, it should not be included under this paragraph (a), but under paragraph (b) of this item.)
See “Tables and Supplementary Information,” pages 126-141 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(b) External funded debt of the registrant. (Totals to be stated in the respective currencies in which payable. No statement need be furnished as to intergovernmental debt.)
See “Tables and Supplementary Information,” pages 126-141 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(3) A statement giving the title, date of issue, date of maturity, interest rate and amount outstanding, together with the currency or currencies in which payable, of each issue of funded debt of the registrant outstanding as of the close of the last fiscal year of the registrant.
See “Tables and Supplementary Information,” pages 126-141 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(4) (a) As to each issue of securities of the registrant which is registered, there should be furnished a breakdown of the total amount outstanding, as shown in Item 3, into the following:
(1) Total amount held by or for the account of the registrant.
Not applicable.
(2) Total estimated amount held by nationals of the registrant.
Not applicable.
(3) Total amount otherwise outstanding.
Not applicable.
(b) If a substantial amount is set forth in answer to paragraph (a)(1) above, describe briefly the method employed to the registrant to reacquire such securities.
Not applicable.
(5) A statement as of the close of the last fiscal year of the registrant giving the estimated total of:
(a) Internal floating indebtedness of the registrant. (Total to be stated in the currency of the registrant.)
See “Tables and Supplementary Information,” pages 126-141 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
i (b) External floating indebtedness of the registrant. (Total to be stated in the respective currencies in which payable.)
The registrant has no external floating indebtedness.
(6) Statements of the receipts, classified by source, and of the expenditures, classified by purpose, of the registrant for each year of the registrant ended since the close of the latest fiscal year for which such information was previously reported. These statements should be so itemized as to be reasonably informative and should cover both ordinary and extraordinary receipts and expenditures; there should be indicated separately, if practicable, the amount of receipts pledged or otherwise specifically allocated to any issue registered, indicating the issue.
See “Public Finance — Consolidated Government Expenditure” and “Public Finance — Consolidated Government Revenue,” pages 103-105 and pages 109-110, respectively, of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(7) (a) If any foreign exchange control, not previously reported, has been established by the registrant, briefly describe such foreign exchange control.
See “Monetary and Financial System — Exchange Controls,” pages 77-79 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein. No foreign exchange control not previously reported was established by the registrant during fiscal year 2013.
(b) If any foreign exchange control previously reported has been discontinued or materially modified, briefly describe the effect of any such action, not previously reported.
See “Monetary and Financial System — Exchange Controls,” pages 77-79 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(8) Brief statements as of a date reasonably close to the date of the filing of this report (indicating such date), in respect of the note issue and gold reserves of the central bank of issue of the registrant, and of any further gold stocks held by the registrant.
See “Monetary and Financial System — Gold and Foreign Exchange Contingency Reserve Account,” page 80 of Exhibit 99.D, which is hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(9) Statements of imports and exports of merchandise for each year ended since the close of the latest year for which such information was previously reported. Such statements should be reasonably itemized so far as practicable as to commodities and as to countries. They should be set forth in terms of value and of weight or quantity; if statistics have been established only in terms of value, such will suffice.
See “The External Sector of the Economy — Foreign Trade,” pages 81-95 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
(10) The balances of international payments of the registrant for each year ended since the close of the latest fiscal year for which such information was previously reported. The statements for such balances should conform, if possible, to the nomenclature and form used in the “Statistical Handbook of the League of Nations.” (These statements need be furnished only if the registrant has published balances of international payments.)
See “The External Sector of the Economy — Balance of Payments,” pages 86-89 of Exhibit 99.D, which are hereby incorporated by reference herein.
ii This annual report comprises:
(1) Pages numbered i to v consecutively.
(2) The following exhibits:
Exhibit A — None.
Exhibit B — None.
Exhibit 24 — Power of Attorney, dated December 2, 2013.
Exhibit 99.C — Republic of South Africa Budget Review 2013(1).
Exhibit 99.D — Description of the Republic of South Africa dated December 2, 2013.
This annual report is filed subject to the Instructions for Form 18-K for Foreign Governments and Political Subdivisions thereof.
Note: —
(1) Incorporated by reference from the Form 18-K/A filed on June 24, 2013, file number 033-85866.
iii SIGNATURE
Pursuant to the requirements of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, the Registrant, Republic of South Africa, has duly caused this annual report to be signed on its behalf by the undersigned, thereunto duly authorized, in Pretoria, South Africa, on December 2, 2013.
REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
By:
/s/ Monale Ratsoma
Attorney-in-fact for
Hon Pravin Gordhan
Minister of Finance
Republic of South Africa
iv
EXHIBIT INDEX
Exhibit
Description
24
Power of Attorney, dated December 2, 2013.
99.C
Copy of the Republic of South Africa Budget Review 2013(1).
99.D
Description of the Republic of South Africa dated December 2, 2013.
Note: —
(1)
Incorporated by reference from the Form 18-K/A filed on June 24, 2013, file number 033-85866.
POWER OF ATTORNEY
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, that the undersigned Minister of Finance of the Republic of South Africa (the ‘‘Republic”), by his execution hereof, does hereby constitute and appoint Lungisa Fuzile, Monale Ratsoma and Thuto Shomang and any of them acting individually as his true and lawful attorney-in-fact and agent, for him and in his name, place and stead, to execute and deliver the Republic’s Annual Report on Form 18-K (the “Form 18-K”) for the fiscal year ended March 31, 2013 and all amendments thereto, as fully to all intents and purposes as the undersigned might or could do in person, hereby ratifying and confirming all the acts of said attorney-in-fact and agent which he may lawfully do or cause to be done by virtue hereof;
PROVIDED THAT, this Power of Attorney shall not constitute a delegation of the Minister of Finance’s powers to borrow money on behalf of the Republic in terms of section 72 of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999, as amended.
(Can the government tell me why we are sending this information or selling out to the Americans? Why is South Africa registered as a corporation in Washington DC?)
Exhibit 24
POWER OF ATTORNEY
January 28, 2002
POWER OF ATTORNEY
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS that the undersigned Minister of Finance of the Republic of South Africa (the “Republic”), by his execution hereof, does hereby constitute and appoint Maria Ramos, Brian Molefe and Phakamani Hadebe, and any of them acting individually as his true and lawful attorney-in-fact and agent, for him and in his name, place and stead, (i) to execute and deliver any and all filings and correspondence by the Republic with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the “Commission”), including without limitation Annual Reports on Form 18-K, amendments to Annual Reports on Form 18-K/A, Reports on Form 6-K, Registration Statements under Schedule B and any Pre- and Post-Effective Amendments thereto, and (ii) to execute and deliver any and all contracts, agreements, consents, certificates and documents in relation to the Republic’s securities offerings in the United States and elsewhere outside the Republic and the listing of the Republic’s debt securities on any international stock exchange as said attorney-in-fact and agent may deem necessary or advisable, and, further, in case of clauses (i) and (ii) above, to do any and all acts and things and execute and deliver any and all other documents and instruments in connection therewith as said attorney-in-fact and agent may deem necessary or advisable, granting unto each said attorney-in-fact and agent full power and authority to do and perform each and every act and thing requisite and necessary to be done, as fully to all intents and purposes as the undersigned might or could do in person, hereby ratifying and confirming all the acts of said attorney-in-fact and agent which he may lawfully do or cause to be done by virtue hereof;
PROVIDED THAT, this Power of Attorney shall not constitute a delegation of the Minister of Finance’s powers to borrow money on behalf of the Republic in terms of Section 72 of the Public Finance Management Act No. 1 of 1999, as amended.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned has hereunto set his hand.
Date: January 28, 2002
By: /s/ Trevor Manuel
Trevor Manuel
Minister of Finance of the
Republic of South Africa
Thursday, 5 December 2013
LEGAL NOTICE TO JACOB ZUMA - Incorporation of South Africa
This is a reminder of the legal notice that was served on South African president, Jacob Zuma, via the State Attorney on the 1st May 2013. We have had no response or communication whatsoever regarding this critical issue. The people should be outraged and I trust that the people of South Africa will recognise the crimes being committed against each and every one of us by an illegitimate government - using the unwitting police and military to enforce their fraudulent activity – allowing the banksters and multinational corporations to enslave the people.
Without prejudice - All rights reserved - Non Assumpsit
(A copy of this NOTICE has been forwarded to the State Attorney)
Attention: State Attorney of the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA10 TH FLOOR NORTH STATE BUILDING,
95 MARKET STREET, JOHANNESBURG, GAUTENG, ZA
PRIVATE BAG X9, JOHANNESBURG, 2000
Tel No : (011) 330-7600
Fax No : (011) 337-7180 Date: 1 May 2013
RE: Clarification about the registration of the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
as a corporation.
NOTICE:
The president of the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA is hereby granted 20 days from receipt of this letter to respond to the questions contained in this communication.
In our efforts to bring absolute freedom and liberty to all the people of South Africa, especially on the economic front, it has come to our attention that our country “REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA” is registered as a corporation on the US Securities & Exchange, among other well recognised corporations like Anglo American, Old Mutual, ABSA and Standard Bank.
We demand an urgent response to the questions below, from the office of the president, to be able to accurately advise the people of South Africa of their rights and their relationship to this corporation, which appears to be unlawfully imposing itself as a legitimate government of the people who live in a land called South Africa.
On the 18th January 2013, we requested clarification on the same questions via email from the Minister of Arts & Culture. On the 30th of January 2013, we followed our original enquiry with a further request, which was copied to the office of the president. On the 19 February 2013, the same requests for clarification were sent to the following departments:
• Public Services Commission;
• Government Communications Ministry;
• Public Services And Administration;
• Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development.
On the 4th March 2013, a further and final request for clarification on this matter was sent to the same departments, including the president’s office. To date we have not received a response of any kind. We have now exhausted all reasonable means to get clear answers to critical questions that dramatically impact the constitutional rights of every South African.
This is our final attempt to be provided with clear and satisfactory answers by the president of the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA to the questions below, failing which we will proceed with the necessary legal action to obtain such answers.
1. We require to view, or to obtain, for public scrutiny, a certified copy of the original registration documents, founding statement and title deeds of this corporation called the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA.
2. Who authorised that the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA was to be registered as such and why?
3. Who is the CEO of this corporation?
4. Who is the accounting officer and what financial statement does it produce?
5. What are the assets of this corporation?
6. Are these assets traded by this corporation – if so, how and where, and who is accountable for trading these assets?
7. Who are the shareholders of the corporation and how are they appointed?
8. What is the relationship of the people of South Africa to this corporation called REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA.
9. Is there any agreement between the people and/or citizens of South Africa and the REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA? If so, where are those agreements and when were they entered into?
10. Do the people of South Africa have any obligations to this corporation, and if so do they have the right to renounce such obligation?
11. Since our BILL OF RIGHTS and our constitution, as well as the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights strictly forbids any form of slavery or forced servitude, what rights do the people who live in the land referred to as South Africa have, to cut all their ties and any responsibility to this corporation that they did not even know existed?
12. What is the relationship between this corporation called THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA and another corporation called the GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA?
You have TWENTY (20) days to respond to the questions. It is our opinion that these corporations have violated the liberties and economic freedoms of all the people who live in this land called South Africa.
In Pure Truth
Michael of the family Tellinger
Born sovereign and free of flesh and blood and infinite soul
Founder of UBUNTU Party and UBUNTU Liberation Movement
www.ubuntuparty.org.za
contact@ubuntuparty.org.za
Without prejudice - All rights reserved - Non Assumpsit
